關(guān)于名人演講稿(范文12篇)

名人演講稿。

當(dāng)我們被要求進(jìn)行一場演講時(shí)。準(zhǔn)備演講稿可以使我們更加清晰地表達(dá)自己的觀點(diǎn)，演講者需要在演講稿和演講內(nèi)容之間把握好平衡，一篇好的演講稿怎么寫？幼兒教師教育網(wǎng)編輯根據(jù)您的需求精心編寫了這份詳盡實(shí)用的“關(guān)于名人演講稿”，輕松閱讀愉快分享把這篇文章分享給您的朋友吧。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇1】

In this symposium, better is it to only sit in silence. To express one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. That I would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. But just as one says that, the answer comes, the race is over, but the work never is done while the power to work remains. The canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest; it cannot be while you still live. But to live is to function, that is all there is in living. So I end with a land from a Latin voice: death, death, clutches my ear, and says, live, I am coming.--By Oliver Wendell Holmes

譯文：

此刻，沉默是金。要在生命即將完結(jié)之時(shí)表達(dá)個(gè)人感受并非易事。但我只是想談?wù)勛鳛橐幻麅A聽者的.看法。騎士們并非一到終點(diǎn)就立刻止步。他們繼續(xù)緩步向前，傾聽朋友們的歡呼。他們雖然告訴自己行程已經(jīng)結(jié)束了。正如人們所說結(jié)果出來了,比賽結(jié)束了。但只要?jiǎng)恿θ栽?，人生之旅就尚未結(jié)束。終點(diǎn)之后的慢跑并非停止不前，因?yàn)榛钪悴荒苋绱恕；钪鸵兴鳛?，這才是生命的真諦。最后謹(jǐn)以一句古拉丁格言與各位共勉：死神不止，奮斗不止。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇2】

朋友們有沒有關(guān)注最近的聯(lián)合國《巴黎協(xié)定》高級(jí)別簽署儀式呀？wuli男神小李子繼奧斯卡感言以后又發(fā)表演講啦。

由175個(gè)國家共同簽訂的《巴黎協(xié)定》（ paris agreement）提出了2020年后全球應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化、實(shí)現(xiàn)綠色低碳發(fā)展的藍(lán)圖。作為聯(lián)合國和平大使，小李子作了最后的演講。

他把嚴(yán)峻的現(xiàn)實(shí)擺在我們面前，用尖銳的語言對(duì)這里的國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提出要求：

“今天我們可以互相慶賀，但如果你們回到各自的國家卻不能將這一協(xié)議付諸實(shí)施，這一切就毫無意義?！?/p>

一席演講激情澎湃，聽得人熱血沸騰，男神心懷天下的樣子怎么辣么帥！現(xiàn)在讓我們來看看小李的演講。只有六分鐘。

李子清純美麗，發(fā)音清晰，語速適中。適合聽力練習(xí)。我們按照一下方法來訓(xùn)練它：

一。**沒有字幕，先聽，看看你能理解多少。

2. 對(duì)照下面的文字版，重新聽一遍。這篇演講稿寫得很好。如果你仔細(xì)閱讀，你一定會(huì)受益匪淺。

3. 最后，不看文字，再聽一遍，你是否已能聽懂每一個(gè)單詞？

thank you, mr. secretary general, for the honor to address this body once more. and thanks to the distinguished climate leaders assembled here today who are ready to take action.

謝謝秘書長先生再次給我機(jī)會(huì)讓我站在這里發(fā)言，謝謝各位卓越的氣候領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人今天在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)匯聚一堂準(zhǔn)備開始采取行動(dòng)。

body：團(tuán)體；組織

president abraham lincoln was also thinking of bold action 150 years ago when he said: “the dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present…as our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. we must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.

”150年前，亞伯拉罕·林肯**也曾考慮過采取大膽的行動(dòng)，他說：“那些屬于寧靜往日的教條已不足以應(yīng)付風(fēng)雨飄搖的現(xiàn)在，由于我們面臨新的問題，我們要有新的思維、新的行動(dòng)，我們必須打破自身的枷鎖，才能拯救我們的國家?！?/p>

dogma ['dgm] ：教條，教理

disenthrall [,disin'θr:l]：釋放；解放

he was speaking before the u.s. congress to confront the defining issue of his time – slavery.

everyone knew it had to end, but no one had the political will to stop it. remarkably, his words ring as true today when applied to the defining crisis of our time – climate change.

當(dāng)時(shí)，林肯在美國國會(huì)發(fā)表了這一演講，并直面了他那個(gè)時(shí)代奴隸制的關(guān)鍵問題。每個(gè)人都知道奴隸制將要終結(jié)，但是沒有人有解決它的政治意愿。今天他的話聽來仍然振聾發(fā)聵。

我們可以用他的話來描述當(dāng)今時(shí)代的關(guān)鍵挑戰(zhàn)——?dú)夂蜃兓?/p>

as a un messenger of peace, i have traveled all over the world for the last two years, documenting how this crisis is changing the natural balance of our pla***. i’ve seen cities like beijing choked by industrial pollution, ancient boreal forests in canada that have been clear-cut, and rainforests in indonesia that have been incinerated.

作為聯(lián)合國的和平締造者，我在過去兩年中訪問了世界各地，記錄氣候變化如何改變了地球的自然平衡。我曾經(jīng)目睹過像北京那樣因工業(yè)污染而窒息的城市，加拿大古老的寒溫帶森林被夷為平地，印度尼西亞的熱帶雨林被焚燒殆盡。

incinerate [in'sinreit]： 焚燒

in india, i met farmers whose crops have literally been washed away by historic flooding. in america, i have witnessed unprecedented droughts in california and sea level rise flooding the streets of miami. in greenland and in the arctic, i was astonished to see that ancient glaciers are rapidly disappearing well ahead of scientific predictions.

all that i have seen and learned on my journey has absolutely terrified me.

在印度，我遇到了一些農(nóng)民，他們的莊稼被百年一遇的洪水沖走了；在美國，我經(jīng)歷了加州前所未有的干旱，看到邁阿密海平面上升淹沒了街道；在格陵蘭島和北極，我驚訝地看到古代冰川消失得很快，比科學(xué)家快得多。旅途中的所見所聞讓我感到害怕。

there is no doubt in the world’s scientific ***munity that this is a direct result of human activity and the effects of climate change will be***e astronomically worse in the future.

我認(rèn)為科學(xué)界已經(jīng)清楚地證明這是人類行為的直接后果。未來，氣候變化的影響將更具災(zāi)難性。

astronomically [,str'nmikli] ：天文數(shù)字地；巨大地

i do not need to tell you these statistics. you know them better than i do, but more importantly, you know what will happen if this scourge is left unchecked. you know that climate change is happening faster than even the most pessimistic of scientists warned us decades ago.

it’s be***e a runaway freight train bringing with it an impending disaster for all living things.

你們不需要我來援引數(shù)據(jù)，你們知道的比我清楚，更重要的是，你們知道如果不加以制止，氣候變化的災(zāi)難會(huì)造成怎樣的后果。氣候變化的速度比最悲觀的科學(xué)家?guī)资昵八娴倪€快，對(duì)此你們心知肚明，它已經(jīng)成為一列可給所有生命帶來災(zāi)難的失控貨車。

scourge [sk:d] ：災(zāi)禍，苦難的根源

freight [freit] ：貨運(yùn)列車；貨輪

now, think about the shame that each of us will carry when our children and grandchildren look back and realize that we had the means of stopping this devastation, but simply lacked the political will to do so.

現(xiàn)在再來想想，當(dāng)我們的子孫回首往事，發(fā)現(xiàn)我們擁有遏制這一災(zāi)難的手段，但卻由于缺乏政治意愿而無所作為，那時(shí)候我們每個(gè)人會(huì)是多么羞愧難當(dāng)。

devastation[,dev'stein] ：毀壞，破壞

yes, we have achieved the paris agreement. more countries have ***e together here to sign this agreement today than for any other cause in the history of humankind – and that is a reason for hope – but unfortunately, the evidence shows us that it will not be enough. our pla*** cannot be saved unless we leave fossil fuels in the ground where they belong.

的確，我們通過了《巴黎協(xié)定》，匯集于此簽署這項(xiàng)協(xié)議的參與國的數(shù)量，遠(yuǎn)超過人類歷史上其他偉業(yè)，這是我們心存希望的原因之一。然而不幸的是，證據(jù)表明這遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠。除非我們把化石燃料留在它們本該睡覺的地方-地下，我們的星球?qū)⒈徽取?/p>

cause：事業(yè)；目標(biāo)

fossil ['fsl]：化石

an upheaval and massive change is required right now – one that leads to a new collective consciousness, a new collective evolution of the human race, inspired and enabled by a sense of urgency from all of you.

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇3】

任何事物都不及“偉大”那樣簡單；事實(shí)上，能夠簡單，便是偉大。這是愛默生的一句話。

十個(gè)阿拉伯?dāng)?shù)字加上若干符號(hào)就構(gòu)成了數(shù)學(xué)；若干音符加上五條線便構(gòu)成了音樂。無論是橫亙在中國北部的萬里長城，還是坐落在北京的普通四合院，它們都是由簡單的沙礫構(gòu)成，只是其中融入了人們的智慧，便使它們成為地球上唯一能在太空中被識(shí)別的建筑和北京皇城那獨(dú)一份的象征。由此可見，偉大常常蘊(yùn)藏在這簡單之中。

簡單的一頓飯足以滿足人們的生理需求；簡單的打扮可以使一個(gè)人干凈靚麗；簡單的婚禮可以使兩個(gè)人甜甜蜜蜜。我們是否需要餐餐鮑參燕翅，層出不窮？我們是否需要打扮得光鮮亮麗，花枝招展？是否婚禮就一定要是世紀(jì)之最？生活著為自己，不為別人。自己活得怎樣，還是自己的，展現(xiàn)給別人觀看的，只是為了填滿虛榮心，所以我們要為自己活出簡單。生活的簡單，好比生命巨幅中簡單的幾筆線條，不疏不密，不擁簇也不空虛；而生命的繁雜，就像潑撒在生命宣紙上的墨跡，是城府，是欺詐，是處心積慮。

簡單有簡單的快樂，繁雜有繁雜的痛苦。人，往往小時(shí)簡單，長大繁雜；窮時(shí)簡單，富時(shí)繁雜；落魄時(shí)簡單，有權(quán)時(shí)繁雜；君子簡單，小人繁雜；看自己時(shí)簡單，看別人時(shí)繁雜。你一會(huì)兒看我，一會(huì)兒看云，我覺得，你看我時(shí)很遠(yuǎn)，看云時(shí)很近。而簡與繁也便有著這么一層迷霧的關(guān)系。

簡單與復(fù)雜往往是事物的兩個(gè)方面。只有把握好兩者關(guān)系，才能實(shí)現(xiàn)由繁化簡的目的。一個(gè)蘋果落在地上，牛頓從這簡單的現(xiàn)象中發(fā)現(xiàn)了復(fù)雜的牛頓運(yùn)動(dòng)定律。瓦特受壺蓋被蒸汽頂起的啟發(fā)，發(fā)明了蒸汽機(jī)。這不都充分說明了把握好簡與繁的結(jié)果嗎？所以，只有立足于一定的高度，把握兩者關(guān)系，才能獲得成功。

人，往往一簡單就快樂；一繁雜便痛苦。想活出繁雜很容易，想活出簡單卻很不簡單。

簡單，是生命留給這個(gè)世界最美的形式；就如牛頓所說的：“這個(gè)世界是簡單的，美的?！?/p>

大象無形，大音希聲。簡單的“一”中也包含了復(fù)雜的“萬”，懂得了這些，才能揮灑出一片成功的天地，成就偉大的事業(yè)。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇4】

中國名人演講網(wǎng)是中國第一家名人演講專業(yè)機(jī)構(gòu)、中國最大的演講名人提供商，網(wǎng)站秉承“用智慧改變世界”的理念，堅(jiān)持“用演講傳遞名人智慧、讓名人走進(jìn)尋常百姓、把世界的名人請(qǐng)進(jìn)中國、讓中國的名人走向世界”的工作宗旨，名人演講網(wǎng)。網(wǎng)站依托百年名校武漢大學(xué)的豐富資源，在組織高端演講、策劃大型論壇、名人經(jīng)紀(jì)、名人研究、講師經(jīng)紀(jì)、培訓(xùn)咨詢等方面有著雄厚的實(shí)力。網(wǎng)站與國外500多家名人演講機(jī)構(gòu)建立了信息、業(yè)務(wù)、學(xué)術(shù)上的密切合作，網(wǎng)站旗下有國內(nèi)外一流名人近3000人，范圍包括政界、商界、學(xué)術(shù)界、文化界、科技界、體育界、軍界、媒體界、管理培訓(xùn)界等多個(gè)領(lǐng)域，涉及60多個(gè)國家和地區(qū)。

近年來，網(wǎng)站組織和參與組織了天津達(dá)沃斯論壇、WTO北京國際論壇、亞洲教育論壇、亞布力中國企業(yè)家論壇、國際中國哲學(xué)學(xué)會(huì)年會(huì)等在國內(nèi)外有較大影響力的活動(dòng)，組織國際名人、政界領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、兩院院士、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家、企業(yè)家、文化學(xué)者、軍事專家、培訓(xùn)名師的大型演講近千場，為兩百多家企業(yè)提供了高端的培訓(xùn)和咨詢服務(wù)，受到社會(huì)各界的一致肯定。

昨天舉行的第三屆中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇通過“昆明宣言”，再次向世界發(fā)出綠色發(fā)展倡議。宣言提出：

各級(jí)政府推行“綠色新政”，各類企業(yè)踐行“綠色責(zé)任”，各個(gè)媒體傳播“綠色文明”。

推動(dòng)綠色，始終是中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇的努力方向。昨天舉行的第三屆中國綠色發(fā)展高層論壇在低碳經(jīng)濟(jì)時(shí)代領(lǐng)軍城市昆明通過“昆明宣言”，再次向世界發(fā)出綠色發(fā)展倡議。

“昆明宣言”指出，當(dāng)今世界，在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展與資源環(huán)境矛盾日益突出的情況下，發(fā)展綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)已成為一個(gè)重要趨勢。如何在生態(tài)環(huán)境容量和資源承載力的約束條件下，堅(jiān)持走以人為本、推動(dòng)環(huán)境保護(hù)作為實(shí)現(xiàn)可持續(xù)發(fā)展重要支柱的新型發(fā)展之路，是實(shí)現(xiàn)世界和平發(fā)展和現(xiàn)代化的客觀要求和必然選擇。為此，倡議各級(jí)政府、各類企業(yè)以及媒體共同努力，實(shí)現(xiàn)“綠色夢想”。

宣言指出，各級(jí)政府應(yīng)積極探索綠色發(fā)展模式、構(gòu)筑綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)體系，推動(dòng)綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展。應(yīng)抓住綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展帶來的契機(jī)，開展綠色發(fā)展合作，引導(dǎo)綠色投資，培育新能源、新材料、節(jié)能環(huán)保等綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)新的增長點(diǎn)，建立健全綠色發(fā)展機(jī)制，加強(qiáng)綠色發(fā)展管理執(zhí)法，實(shí)行綠色發(fā)展科學(xué)考核。

宣言倡議各類企業(yè)牢固樹立生態(tài)文明理念，倡導(dǎo)綠色消費(fèi)。企業(yè)應(yīng)勇于承擔(dān)綠色責(zé)任，積極開展綠色創(chuàng)新，大力推廣綠色技術(shù)，加強(qiáng)綠色管理，生產(chǎn)綠色產(chǎn)品，把節(jié)約文化、環(huán)境道德納入社會(huì)運(yùn)行的公序良俗，把資源承載能力、生態(tài)環(huán)境容量作為經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的重要條件，引導(dǎo)公眾自覺選擇節(jié)約環(huán)保、低碳排放的消費(fèi)模式。

宣言提出，媒體應(yīng)廣泛傳播綠色文明理念，形成有利于綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的輿論環(huán)境，爭當(dāng)綠色文化傳播的使者，開展綠色教育，示范綠色實(shí)踐。在所覆蓋的范圍內(nèi)進(jìn)行全方位、多層次的宣傳，形成綠色傳播網(wǎng)絡(luò)，為提高公眾的資源、環(huán)境、可持續(xù)發(fā)展意識(shí)而努力。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇5】

篇一：關(guān)于名人名言的演講稿

關(guān)于名人名言的演講稿是關(guān)于個(gè)人最喜歡的名人名言，為什么喜歡這條名人名言的主題演講，下面是這篇關(guān)于名人名言的演講稿

關(guān)于名人名言的演講稿一

沒有完美的文章，正如沒有徹底的絕望--村上春樹

在這個(gè)世界上，其實(shí)存在著兩個(gè)你，一個(gè)是真實(shí)的你，一個(gè)是幻想中的你，真實(shí)的你，也許充滿瑕疵，也許不盡完美，也許缺少過人之處，也許無法超越自我，但，幻想中的你，一定是如雕刻一般完美無瑕，毫無任何缺陷。每個(gè)人都想在幻想中做自己，但幻想畢竟是幻想，而現(xiàn)實(shí)總是塵土飛揚(yáng)，不是童話中的水晶鞋。不要期望完美，而應(yīng)該在不完美中不斷完善和升華自己。這樣的生活能讓我們體會(huì)到生活的真諦。

完美只是奢望，而絕望也同樣是過于悲觀的空想，許多人的人生，都是以希望為起點(diǎn)，但卻以悲觀失望為過程，因而只得以絕望為終點(diǎn)了。這樣的態(tài)度對(duì)待人生，只能使成功化為泡影，因此，我們要積極樂觀面對(duì)人生，人生雖不像你想象的那么好，也不像你想象的那么壞，只要你無論遇到什么都去尋找事物最美好、最充滿陽光的一面，生命總會(huì)在你停滯不前、只得徘徊之時(shí)，回饋給你燦爛。以希望為出發(fā)點(diǎn)，以樂觀、自信、毅利為過程，以勝利為終點(diǎn)。

面對(duì)失敗，我們可以傷痛，但絕不可以一度沉淪，躊躇滿志，用時(shí)間去撫平悲痛，用奮斗去忘記傷痛，讓燦爛在彼岸開放出動(dòng)人的絢爛，以樂觀為人生的主旋律，用心靈去走向生命最美妙的交響曲。

謝謝大家,我的演講完畢。

關(guān)于名人名言的演講稿二

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學(xué)，大家早上好，我今天言講的名言是勿以善小而不為，勿以惡小而為之大家一定聽說過這句千古名句吧!那么，你是否做到這一點(diǎn)呢?就愛護(hù)公物而言，你做到了嗎?

校園內(nèi)，課桌上隨處可見的涂鴉，那缺胳膊少腿的椅子，那黑乎乎的墻壁，那洗手間已成殘廢的門板，那破碎的洗手盆同學(xué)們，當(dāng)你看到這原本精致的公物，如今卻已經(jīng)變成了一

堆廢物，你是否聽到他們在哭泣，正在呼喊?更可惡的是那些破壞者，或許你們只不過是一時(shí)興起，只為求得一絲快感，但你們的所作所為卻造成了人們的不變，同時(shí)也丟掉了自己的人格與素質(zhì)。人民教育家陶行知先生曾經(jīng)說過要曉得一個(gè)人愛不愛國，只須看他對(duì)公有財(cái)產(chǎn)的態(tài)度，只須看他對(duì)于公有財(cái)產(chǎn)有沒有不愿取之精神的確，一個(gè)連公物都不愛護(hù)的人，又怎么能愛國吧?

換言之，如果你連公共財(cái)產(chǎn)都不在乎，你怎么能愛學(xué)校呢？

公物是為人們服務(wù)的，所以破壞公物就等于制造麻煩，使我們的環(huán)境更糟糕，我真搞不懂那些破壞者在想什么，為什么會(huì)做這些得不償失的行為?所以當(dāng)我們看到這些破壞行為時(shí)，一定要制止并積極舉發(fā)他那全集體蒙羞的行為。我們要以破壞公物恥，以愛公護(hù)物為榮。

正如我們學(xué)校正在開展八榮八恥的教育活動(dòng)，讓我們從我做起，從事做起，從今天做起，以珍惜愛護(hù)公物為榮，以損害公物恥，做一個(gè)有素質(zhì)的中學(xué)生!

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學(xué)，大家早上好，我今天言講的名言是開卷有益

人們常說：開卷就好，看書就好。然而，經(jīng)過仔細(xì)考慮，這一說法并不完全正確。

如果我們對(duì)每一本書都感興趣，開本書未必有益。 現(xiàn)在的同學(xué)可能都喜歡看武俠、言情只類的**、書刊，有時(shí)會(huì)達(dá)到廢寢忘食、手不釋卷的程度，他們一旦看迷了書，便會(huì)走火入魔，那他們上課一心只想著書，沒心思學(xué)習(xí)，成績就會(huì)一落千丈。有些人被書中的一些情節(jié)所吸引，模仿書中的人物，有時(shí)走上犯罪的道路。

這不是看書害了自己嗎?這只是開卷未必有益中包含的第一層：開卷不一定有益。

而且有第二層。 其二就是，我們看書，要有選擇。那些不健康、對(duì)我們沒有多大請(qǐng)幫我的書，就不要看。

要看書，就看一些有利于我們身心健康、對(duì)我們學(xué)習(xí)、生活中都有請(qǐng)幫我的書。這樣的書是一本好書。只有讀一本好書，你才能不會(huì)滅自己。有人把書比作了好友，看好書，就是交好好友，才會(huì)進(jìn)步;則看不好的書，當(dāng)然是交不好的人作好友，那樣你就會(huì)退步。

因?yàn)榭拷t色，靠近黑色！所以，只有讀好書才對(duì)你有好處。 因此，我的觀點(diǎn)是：

開卷未必有益。我真誠地希望每個(gè)學(xué)生都能選擇閱讀。而不要因?yàn)榭村e(cuò)了一本書，將自己引入歧途，毀了自己的一生。

以上有關(guān)名言的演講在這里介紹給您。 希望對(duì)您有所幫助。如果你喜歡這篇文章，請(qǐng)和你的朋友分享。

篇二：歷史人物及評(píng)價(jià)演講稿

周瑜——赤壁戰(zhàn)

各位老師同學(xué)們：

大家好今天我所演講的題目是周瑜——赤壁戰(zhàn)說起三國，我們就會(huì)想起著名的赤壁之戰(zhàn)，而說起赤壁之戰(zhàn)，我們就會(huì)想起蘇東坡那首著名的《赤壁懷古》

“大江東去，浪淘盡，千古風(fēng)流人物。故壘西邊，人道是，三國周郎赤壁。亂石穿空，驚濤裂岸，卷起千堆雪。

江山如畫，一時(shí)多少豪杰。遙想公瑾當(dāng)年，小喬初嫁了，雄姿英發(fā)。羽扇和綸巾，談笑風(fēng)生的房間里，墻壁灰飛煙滅。

故國神游，多情應(yīng)笑我，早生華發(fā)。人生如夢，一尊還酹江月?！?蘇東坡這首詞寫得可真是大氣磅礴，它使我們想到三國時(shí)代的英雄氣概、浪漫情懷。

讓我從赤壁之戰(zhàn)的故事開始：

曹操在基本統(tǒng)一了北方之后，于七月在建安派兵南下，企圖消滅擁有荊州、江東的劉表、孫權(quán)，統(tǒng)一全國。今年8月，劉表因病去世。他的二兒子劉琮屯，襄陽，劉備屯，樊城。九月，曹操至新野，劉琮不戰(zhàn)而降。

劉備因劉表的糧，草，**等大量物資而從樊城撤至江陵，并命令關(guān)羽經(jīng)漢水帶隊(duì)前往江陵。曹操騎著五千匹馬日夜追趕。他打敗了劉備，占領(lǐng)了當(dāng)陽長坂的江陵。劉備放棄撤往江陵的計(jì)劃，折向東南漢水方向撤退,和自漢水東下的關(guān)羽水軍會(huì)合, 并與劉表長子江夏太守劉琦所部一萬余人聯(lián)軍退至夏口，圖謀聯(lián)合孫權(quán)抗

擊曹操。曹操南下時(shí)，孫權(quán)派魯肅到荊州吊唁劉表，并說劉備一心保衛(wèi)曹操。呂肅和劉備在當(dāng)陽相識(shí)，劉備利用他的計(jì)劃回到鄂縣樊口。

時(shí)曹操據(jù)江陵, 將順流東下，形勢緊迫，劉備遣諸葛亮隨肅往東吳。諸葛亮到柴桑時(shí)，孫權(quán)收到曹操的來信，說要訓(xùn)練80萬水手，在吳與孫權(quán)作戰(zhàn)。孫權(quán)不愿以全吳之地，十萬之眾受制于曹操，又顧慮孫劉聯(lián)軍不能與曹操相匹敵，猶豫不決。

諸葛亮分析了雙方的利弊，指出曹操的士兵在遠(yuǎn)征中累了。北人不習(xí)水戰(zhàn)。孫劉聯(lián)合，定可取勝。

以魯肅為代表的孫權(quán)主戰(zhàn)派和以張昭為首的和平主戰(zhàn)派也展開了激烈的爭論。諸葛亮指除了主要學(xué)派和和聲學(xué)派觀點(diǎn)的錯(cuò)誤，進(jìn)一步消除了孫權(quán)的顧慮。孫權(quán)決心與劉抗曹聯(lián)手，從鄱陽召回周瑜。

周瑜支持諸葛亮、魯肅的意見，指出中原曹軍實(shí)際只有15萬人，精疲力竭。所得劉表新降的七八萬人，人心并不向曹。此外，馬超和韓遂還在關(guān)西，這也是曹操后來的麻煩。這些都是對(duì)曹操不利的因素。

孫權(quán)堅(jiān)定了劉備打贏曹操的信心，任命周瑜、程普為左右都軍，任命魯肅為贊軍校隊(duì)長。周瑜率精銳部隊(duì)三萬人,沿江而上至夏口,與劉備統(tǒng)軍兩萬多人會(huì)合，共同抗曹。

孫劉聯(lián)軍溯江西進(jìn),與順流而下的曹軍在赤壁相遇曹軍初戰(zhàn)不利，退往長江北岸的烏林，雙方隔江對(duì)峙。北方士兵不習(xí)慣住在船上。曹操下令用鐵繩把**拴在一起，以減少風(fēng)浪的顛簸。周瑜建議黃蓋用火力進(jìn)攻戰(zhàn)術(shù)打敗曹軍。

曹操驕傲輕敵，相信黃蓋的詐降，黃蓋帶十艘蒙沖斗艦，滿載薪草膏油，外用帷幕偽裝，順風(fēng)駛向曹船，因風(fēng)縱火，燔燒曹軍船只，火勢延及岸上營壘。曹軍人馬燒溺，**慘重。周瑜、

劉備軍隊(duì)水陸并進(jìn)，曹操沿華容小道，向江陵方向狼狽退卻，加以瘟疫、饑餓，曹軍損失大半。赤壁之戰(zhàn)后，曹操回到北方，不能再南下。劉備也趁機(jī)通過這場戰(zhàn)爭占領(lǐng)了荊州大部分地區(qū)。

稍后又奪得劉璋的益州。孫權(quán)占領(lǐng)江東，形成了魏、蜀、吳三絕的局面。

我來談?wù)劤啾谥畱?zhàn)中的周瑜

周瑜戰(zhàn)前的準(zhǔn)備工作：

一、 周瑜先為抗曹出兵“正名” 周瑜把曹操定位成“漢賊”，提

出“為漢家除殘去穢”。使得抗曹成為出師有名，以順誅

逆的軍事行動(dòng)。

2、 周瑜分析了曹操被吳打敗的原因。

一。戰(zhàn)爭的性質(zhì)：孫權(quán)所掌握的是正義的旗幟；

2。曹軍長途跋涉，孫劉聯(lián)軍從容待命；

三。軍事力量分析：曹軍率領(lǐng)10萬余人北上劉琮投降

七八十萬人，二十五六十萬人，曹軍，水土

不服，長途跋涉，不習(xí)水戰(zhàn)；

4、 曹操后方的存在的致命的弱點(diǎn)：今北土既未平安，加馬超、韓遂尚在關(guān)西，為操后患。且舍鞍馬，仗舟楫，與吳越爭衡，本非中國所長。又今盛寒，馬無藁草，驅(qū)中

國士眾遠(yuǎn)涉江湖之間，不習(xí)水土，必生疾病。此數(shù)四者，

用兵之患也，而操皆冒行之。

三、投降的危害性：別人還能為臣孫權(quán)無路可走也。

通過戰(zhàn)前周瑜用以上所列的的準(zhǔn)備說服了孫權(quán)，打消了孫權(quán)的顧慮為赤壁之戰(zhàn)穩(wěn)定了后方，從這戰(zhàn)前的準(zhǔn)備可以看出周瑜能抓住事情的本質(zhì)，能冷靜的思考問題，處理問題的方法運(yùn)用得當(dāng)。

周瑜戰(zhàn)中計(jì)策運(yùn)用：

一。用打黃蓋的方法躲開蔡中蔡和；

2。曹操用假信殺了蔡瑁、張?jiān)蕦④姡?/p>

3、 運(yùn)用火攻滅了曹操； 通過在戰(zhàn)中周瑜計(jì)策的運(yùn)用可以看出周瑜在于人斗智斗勇時(shí)左右逢源，才智過人。 以上是我本人個(gè)人的看法不足之處請(qǐng)大家批評(píng)指正謝謝大家我的演講到此結(jié)束。

篇三：名人在我心中演講稿

做最真的自己

各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、老師、同學(xué)們：

大家下午好！我是來自九八班的趙金莎。今天我要演講的題目是《做最真的自己》。

歲月的煙波與天河相連，歷史的巨浪與大地相連。隨著時(shí)代的變遷，許多歷史人物已經(jīng)在我們的心中褪色。說到名人，也許學(xué)生們會(huì)談?wù)撍麄兊呐枷?。但我想說的是，在中國古代漫長的歷史長河中，涌現(xiàn)出無數(shù)名人，你還記得嗎？

雖然他們的生命早已逝去，但他們的故事已經(jīng)流傳開來，他們的精神永遠(yuǎn)閃耀！

文天祥有“人生自古誰無死，留取丹心照汗青”的氣概；曹操有“老驥伏櫪，志在千里”的雄心壯志；岳飛有“怒發(fā)沖冠憑欄處”的殺敵報(bào)國之情。而“不為五斗米折腰”則是陶淵明的高風(fēng)亮節(jié)。 “采菊東離下，悠然見南山”是我對(duì)陶淵明最初的認(rèn)識(shí)，那種淡泊名利的心境至今深深影響著我。

奄奄一息的胡子忘記了他沉寂的歲月，白色的衣裳停泊在深山的慵懶中。此時(shí)的他，對(duì)自己的選擇，無悔而堅(jiān)定。

幾年前的斗跡官場，你傲然挺立，不動(dòng)搖，不受穢。面對(duì)黑暗，你縱身離去。圍籬種菊播苗，你樂得自在，活得逍遙。世界說你傻，你卻笑得輕聲細(xì)語，笑他們的心是黑暗的，你看不到骯臟的世界。

南山月下的明月點(diǎn)亮了人間的迷茫，不為權(quán)利而讀書，不為利益而戰(zhàn)，不為官名而活。古往今來，名士千千萬，真正能做到這些的又有幾個(gè)呢？哪怕是淡泊明志的諸葛孔明也堅(jiān)守不住一

畝三分的凈土。卻唯有他，為那一壺一卷與世俗決裂，著一身布衣，穿一雙芒鞋，飄然而去，與山間幸福相伴，贈(zèng)給世人一個(gè)堅(jiān)定的背影。

陶淵明笑看世人追名逐利，自己置身世外，更有一種達(dá)觀的心態(tài), 他追求的是淳樸真誠，淡泊高遠(yuǎn)，無身外之求的人生。遠(yuǎn)離塵世，看著花開花落，他的生活很清松。然而，在競爭日益激烈的現(xiàn)代社會(huì)，人們在喧囂的世界中迷失了自我，失去了本性，變得越來越不真實(shí)。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇6】

篇一：競選演講稿范例

中隊(duì)長競選稿 (一)

大家好。我是六班的。今天，我?guī)е蠋焸兊钠诖屯瑢W(xué)們的信任來到這里，競選班長。

這次，我競選的是中隊(duì)長的職位，競選的依據(jù)是：其一，我的學(xué)習(xí)成績在班上一直名列前茅，久經(jīng)考場，難得糊涂；其二，我的工作能力強(qiáng)，記得有一次，正是開學(xué)第一天，章校長叫我和我同學(xué)一起去搬書，順便幫一年級(jí)搬書，我們幫一（1）班搬完書，又幫一（2）班搬書，這時(shí)我們已經(jīng)疲勞不堪，但在我的鼓勵(lì)下，我班同學(xué)幫一年級(jí)的所有的同學(xué)搬完書；三是性格開朗，善于與師生交朋友，樂于助人。我有一顆為全校服務(wù)的熱誠。其四，我有許多興趣愛好，會(huì)踢球、下棋、打牌等，我最喜歡的是打電腦，因?yàn)槊慨?dāng)我有什么疑問，我就會(huì)用電腦查資料；每當(dāng)我覺得有點(diǎn)累的時(shí)候，我就會(huì)打開電腦聽**放松；每當(dāng)我有任何需要，我都會(huì)用電腦。

所有這些都給了我競選的信信和勇氣。

如果我是中隊(duì)隊(duì)長，我首先要樹立服務(wù)意識(shí)。熱愛和關(guān)心每一個(gè)隊(duì)員，真心實(shí)意地為他們服務(wù)，開展好豐富多彩的少先隊(duì)活動(dòng)，讓每一個(gè)隊(duì)員都能在少先隊(duì)組織中愉快的生活，不斷的進(jìn)步。

假如我是中隊(duì)長，我要樹立“小主人”意識(shí)。因?yàn)樯傧汝?duì)員是自己的組織，少先隊(duì)員是少先隊(duì)員的主人。作為中隊(duì)長，應(yīng)該在工作中發(fā)揚(yáng)“小主人精神”，自覺主動(dòng)地開展工作，自己組織自己，自己教育自己，自己管理自己，學(xué)會(huì)當(dāng)家作主的真本領(lǐng)。

假如我是中隊(duì)長，我要樹立“榜樣”意識(shí)。我們要時(shí)終嚴(yán)格要求自己，以身作則，要求隊(duì)員們做好。學(xué)習(xí)上，刻苦認(rèn)真；生活上，勤儉節(jié)約；工作上，沖鋒在前，成為領(lǐng)頭雁。

假如我是中隊(duì)長，我要樹立“團(tuán)結(jié)”意識(shí)。少先隊(duì)組織是個(gè)大家庭，隊(duì)長和隊(duì)員是平等的，我要虛心聽取大家的意見，團(tuán)結(jié)和帶領(lǐng)大隊(duì)委員，發(fā)揚(yáng)“一團(tuán)火精神”。嚴(yán)于律己，寬厚待人。

假如我是中隊(duì)長，我要樹立“學(xué)習(xí)”意識(shí)。成為中尉不僅是一種榮譽(yù)，而且是一種責(zé)任。組長的工作不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是一個(gè)極好的學(xué)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)。在溫暖的少先隊(duì)員家庭里，我要向別人學(xué)習(xí)，彌補(bǔ)自己的不足，互相學(xué)習(xí)，共同進(jìn)步。

拿破侖說過：“不想當(dāng)元帥的士兵不是一個(gè)好士兵?！苯裉欤易鳛橥瑢W(xué)們推薦的候選人，我想說：我不僅想做元帥，而且希望成為一名出色成功的能為大家謀利益的元帥——中隊(duì)長。

競選稿 (二)

尊敬的老師、親愛的同學(xué)們：

大家好！

還考驗(yàn)了我們在校園的生活中,是否能很好的團(tuán)結(jié)同學(xué)，有較好的人緣。我參加的目的是鍛煉自己，提高綜合素質(zhì)，更好地為同學(xué)服務(wù)。

我很高興站在這個(gè)平臺(tái)上，面對(duì)同學(xué)們熟悉的面孔，參與到班干部運(yùn)動(dòng)中來。在這一刻，我感到心里非常激動(dòng)。歷經(jīng)五年的沉浮，成功的喜悅和失敗的教訓(xùn)使我茁壯成長。我相信，無論今天離開這里后的選舉結(jié)果如何，我都會(huì)發(fā)自內(nèi)心底感到高興。

既然它是一朵花，我會(huì)敞開心扉，為世界增添一點(diǎn)美麗；因?yàn)樗且豢脴?，我將長成一根為國家服務(wù)的柱子；既然是石頭，我就去鋪路！流星的光輝來自與天體的摩擦，珍珠的璀璨來自貝殼的眼淚，而一個(gè)班級(jí)的優(yōu)秀來自班干部的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和全體同學(xué)的共同努力。

我相信在同學(xué)的幫助下，我能做好這項(xiàng)工作。我衷心希望我的真誠和勇氣能打動(dòng)你，希望你能信任我，支持我，請(qǐng)投我寶貴的一票！

謝謝大家。

競選稿 (三)

敬愛的老師，親愛的伙伴們：

大家好！

我叫***，今天是我第一次站在講臺(tái)上演講，我競選的班干部職位是我們班的“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”。

“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”在同學(xué)們眼中可能就是班里的清潔工，受苦受累的職位，而我卻不是這樣認(rèn)為的。我認(rèn)為“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”是一個(gè)能很好鍛煉人的職位。我平時(shí)在家就是小皇帝、小王子，衣來伸手，飯來張口，一點(diǎn)家務(wù)活都不會(huì)干，無論什么事遇到一點(diǎn)小挫折便退縮放棄。

別看我都快11歲了，可我就是沒主見。從幼兒園到現(xiàn)在都五年級(jí)了，幾乎所有的事情都是爸爸媽媽一手操辦的，就連我以前班干部的“官職”都是老師給我安排的，沒有一個(gè)班干部的職位是我自己爭取的。所以我想把握住這次機(jī)會(huì)，自己爭取做班干部，當(dāng)好這個(gè)“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”，從而好好鍛煉自己，磨練自己，使自己成為有上進(jìn)心；有責(zé)任心和愛心的全新的自我。

并使自己變得堅(jiān)強(qiáng)有主見，今后不但自己的事情自己做，而且還要干好班里“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”應(yīng)該做好的工作。

如果這次競選成功，我將忠實(shí)地履行我的諾言。磨練自己，干好“環(huán)保小衛(wèi)士”的工作。我希望老師和學(xué)生支持和監(jiān)督我。

如果我競選失敗，說明我有很多地方還達(dá)不到老師和同學(xué)們的要求，我會(huì)把它看成是一次鍛煉自己的機(jī)會(huì)，并會(huì)加倍努力，爭取早一點(diǎn)達(dá)的你們的要求。

最后，我真誠地希望你投我一票，支持我，鼓勵(lì)我。

我的演講完畢！謝謝大家！

競選稿 (四)

大家好！今天，我站在講臺(tái)上的唯一目標(biāo)就是爭當(dāng)“班級(jí)元首”--班長。班長就是這樣一個(gè)理想的職位，當(dāng)然，我也渴望成為一個(gè)名副其實(shí)的班長。

在班干部面前，我自信、干練、負(fù)責(zé)。

我不敢說我是最合適的，但我敢說我會(huì)是最勤奮的！

假如我當(dāng)上了班長，我會(huì)嚴(yán)格要求自己，為同學(xué)樹立榜樣，相信在我們的共同努力下，充分發(fā)揮每個(gè)人的聰明才智，使我們的整個(gè)班級(jí)形成一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)向上、積極進(jìn)取的集體；

如果我成為一名班長，我會(huì)把課堂活動(dòng)作為展示自己實(shí)力和愛好的地方，把學(xué)習(xí)當(dāng)作一種樂趣，在集體中互相幫助；

如果我成為一名班長，我會(huì)每周推薦幾本好書，并鼓勵(lì)你有選擇地選購好書。

如果你對(duì)我有什么意見，請(qǐng)不要怕我。盡管有任問我，我還是會(huì)接受并改正。請(qǐng)相信我，支持我。我會(huì)做到的。

競選稿 (五)

尊敬的各位老師、同學(xué)們：

大家好。我今天想競選紀(jì)律委員會(huì)委員。

在我看來，做一名好的紀(jì)律委員，首先要做好以下三件事：

1.以身作則

孔子曰：“其身正，不令則行，其身不正，雖令不從?！笔紫纫陨碜鲃t,起好的榜樣式作用。

2。冷靜，冷靜，冷靜，三思而后行，不要沖動(dòng)；。

3.自覺努力認(rèn)真接受同學(xué)的建議，做到“吾日三省吾身，”時(shí)刻鞭策自己。

我認(rèn)為，我具有班長的主要資本，在我小學(xué)5年的干部實(shí)踐中，我逐漸能夠處事沉著、果斷，能夠顧全大局，學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣為人處世，解決一些矛盾，怎樣協(xié)調(diào)同學(xué)之間的關(guān)系，動(dòng)員一切可以團(tuán)結(jié)的力量，怎樣處理好學(xué)習(xí)與工作之間的矛盾。在中學(xué)時(shí)我擔(dān)任班長一個(gè)月的深厚友誼，班級(jí)工作井然有序。

競爭使人優(yōu)秀也驗(yàn)證優(yōu)秀。所謂“滄海橫流，方顯英雄本色?！蔽译m不是男兒但毫不畏懼競爭，我愿意用實(shí)事證明我的實(shí)力。

請(qǐng)大家投我一票，謝謝！

競選稿 (六)

尊敬的老師、同學(xué)們，大家好!

首先，非常感謝班級(jí)給了我一個(gè)“推銷自已”的機(jī)會(huì)，我競選的是班“文體委員”或“勞動(dòng)委員”。我的演講分為兩個(gè)部分。

一、我的個(gè)人情況和任職優(yōu)勢：

我叫***。我12歲了。我喜歡讀書，玩電腦，運(yùn)動(dòng)和勞動(dòng)。去年，在我從安徽省滁州市轉(zhuǎn)學(xué)之前，我在劍橋英語班學(xué)習(xí)，也在學(xué)習(xí)手風(fēng)琴，并通過了江蘇省手風(fēng)琴一級(jí)考試。

自從轉(zhuǎn)入五（6）班起，在老師的關(guān)心下，同學(xué)們的幫助下，我很快融入了五（6）班這個(gè)集體，對(duì)學(xué)校和班級(jí)的情況也比較熟悉和了解了。

我爸爸、媽媽都曾是一名軍人，所以我身上擁有許多軍人的特點(diǎn)，比如思維活躍、行動(dòng)敏捷、遵規(guī)守紀(jì)、不怕臟、不怕累、尊敬老師、善于團(tuán)結(jié)同學(xué)、與同學(xué)在一起玩時(shí)經(jīng)常是組織者。在滁州，我年年被學(xué)校評(píng)為“優(yōu)秀小軍屬”。因而，我具備了擔(dān)任一名班干部的能力。

二、我的工作設(shè)想：

如果老師信任，學(xué)生支持我當(dāng)選班干部，我會(huì)努力做到：

一要堅(jiān)決服從老師和班長的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，堅(jiān)決完成老師布置的任務(wù)。

二是注重文化學(xué)習(xí)，提高班干部的說服力；同時(shí)，要主動(dòng)向老師和老班子干部學(xué)習(xí)，提高他們的能力。

三是協(xié)調(diào)好班干部間、同學(xué)間的關(guān)系，使大家更團(tuán)結(jié)，使我們五（6）班成為學(xué)校的“優(yōu)秀班級(jí)”。

四是積極開展文體活動(dòng)，搞好個(gè)人和班級(jí)衛(wèi)生，與大家一道建設(shè)好五（6）班這個(gè)我們共同的“家”。

最后，不管這場競選的結(jié)果如何，我都會(huì)不驕不躁、不氣餒地獲勝。我相信，有了老師和學(xué)生的支持，有了自己的信心、能力和努力，他們就能勝任班干部的崗位！請(qǐng)別忘了投我一票，因?yàn)槟愕闹С謱?duì)我很重要！

謝謝！發(fā)言稿（班長競選）（七）

老師，同學(xué)們：

大家好！今天，我很榮幸能站在舞臺(tái)上，和眾多愿意為班級(jí)貢獻(xiàn)力量的同學(xué)一起，參加72班的第一屆班委會(huì)。我想，我將用旺盛的精力、清醒的頭腦來做好班干部工作，來發(fā)揮我的長處幫助同學(xué)和七(二)班集體共同努力進(jìn)步！

記得一位名人說過“不要怕推銷自己，只要你認(rèn)為自己有才華，你就應(yīng)該認(rèn)為自己有資格擔(dān)任這個(gè)或那個(gè)職務(wù)”。我想我應(yīng)該是一個(gè)實(shí)干家，不需要那些漂亮的文字來修飾。工作鍛煉了我，生活造就了我。

本著鍛煉自己，為大家服務(wù)的宗旨我站在了這里，希望能得到大家的支持。我相信，憑著我的勇氣和才干，憑著我與大家同舟共濟(jì)的深厚友情，我會(huì)在任何時(shí)候，任何情況下，都首先是“想同學(xué)們之所想，急同學(xué)們之所急?！蔽艺J(rèn)為一個(gè)班干部“無功就是過”。

我將在學(xué)生們的**時(shí)段，指點(diǎn)山川，發(fā)出我們青春的呼喚。當(dāng)師生發(fā)生沖突時(shí)，我必須分清是非，敢于堅(jiān)持原則。特別是當(dāng)教師的說法或做法不盡正確時(shí)，我將敢于積極為同學(xué)們謀求正當(dāng)?shù)臋?quán)益，如果同學(xué)們對(duì)我不信任，隨時(shí)可以提出“不信任案”，對(duì)我進(jìn)行批評(píng)。

既然是花，我就要開放；既然是樹，我就要長成棟梁；既然是石頭，我就去鋪路；既然我是班干部，我就要成為一名優(yōu)秀的航海家！

流星的光輝來自天體的摩擦，珍珠的璀璨來自貝殼的眼淚，而一個(gè)班級(jí)的優(yōu)秀來自班干部的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和全體同學(xué)的共同努力。

我相信在同學(xué)們的幫助下，我能勝任這份工作。因?yàn)檫@種內(nèi)在的動(dòng)力，當(dāng)我走到這個(gè)講臺(tái)上，我感到百倍的自信。

謝謝大家的信任！

***2010年4月

競選稿 (八)

敬愛的老師、親愛的同學(xué)們：

下午好！站在這里，我非常激動(dòng)，因?yàn)槲乙嵵氐叵蚰銈冃?，我要競選隊(duì)長！第二部分：2015名人勵(lì)志故事演講

2015名人勵(lì)志故事演講稿

第1部分：名人勵(lì)志故事演講-沒人需要的數(shù)字

老師們，同學(xué)們：

大家下午好！我今天演講的題目是《無人需要的數(shù)字》。

愛爾蘭作家伯明罕年輕時(shí)曾在一所農(nóng)村小學(xué)當(dāng)過多年教師。那所學(xué)校既偏僻又破舊，校舍是由廢棄的農(nóng)場改造而成的，學(xué)生最多時(shí)也沒過百，一片沒有任何體育設(shè)施的空地是孩子們課間嬉戲玩耍的樂園。加上伯明罕，學(xué)校共有三名教師，這兩名教師因?yàn)槿淌懿涣藢W(xué)校的艱苦和荒涼，相繼離開了學(xué)校，只留下伯明罕這唯一的教師兼校長堅(jiān)守在學(xué)校。

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇7】

馬云在阿里巴巴上市后的首次公開演講

在創(chuàng)辦阿里巴巴時(shí)，我請(qǐng)了24個(gè)朋友來我家商量，我整整講了兩個(gè)小時(shí)，他們聽得稀里糊涂，我也講得糊里糊涂。最后說到底怎么樣？其中23人說算了吧。只有一個(gè)在銀行工作的朋友說你可以試試。如果你沒有，就跑回去。

我想了一夜，決定第二天早上做，即使24個(gè)人都反對(duì)我。

當(dāng)時(shí)立即遭到了親朋好友的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)。其實(shí)最大的決心并不是我對(duì)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)有很大的信心，而是我覺得做一件事，無論失敗與成功，經(jīng)歷就是一種成功，你去闖一闖，不行你還可以掉頭；但是你如果不做，就像晚上想想千條路，早上起來走原路，一樣的道理。

很多人一生輸就輸在面對(duì)新生事物上。

第一看不見；

第二看不起；

第三看不懂；

第四來不及！

你窮，是因?yàn)槟銢]有野心！

野心，是一種人生在世的偉大理想，一定要實(shí)現(xiàn)的宏偉目標(biāo)。在這個(gè)世界上，只有我們不敢想和不敢做的事，但沒有我們不能做的事！你的野心有多大，未來就有多寬廣。

一個(gè)貧苦不堪的勤雜工，卻因一次人前的難堪，一次刻骨銘心的受窘，竟然成為舉世矚目、無比富有的女中豪杰！

起初，她是一家大公司最底層的員工。她每天的工作就是端上干凈干凈的茶和水。根本沒人注意她。有一次，沒有工作許可證，她被公司門衛(wèi)攔在門口，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入。她告訴警衛(wèi)，她確實(shí)實(shí)公司的雇員，這次她為公司買了辦公用品。

然而她好話說了一大堆，門衛(wèi)仍然對(duì)她不屑一顧，不準(zhǔn)她入內(nèi)。在這期間，她看著同齡白領(lǐng)穿著職業(yè)裝一個(gè)接一個(gè)地走進(jìn)公司大門，卻沒有出示工作證。于是她問門衛(wèi)：

“這些人沒有出示工作證，怎么也都進(jìn)去了？”門衛(wèi)用一種鄙視的目光上上下下打量了她一番，冷冷地一擺手，那意思就是說：“走遠(yuǎn)點(diǎn)，別煩我！

”。她感到了莫大的羞辱，自尊心仿佛被門衛(wèi)狠狠的踩在腳下，跺個(gè)稀巴爛！她看看自己寒酸的衣著，和手中推著臟兮兮的平板車，再看看那些衣著華麗、她的心被深深的刺痛了，驟然品嘗到被人歧視的酸楚，她的心發(fā)跳、臉發(fā)燙，渾身顫抖。

這時(shí)，就在這時(shí)，一個(gè)誓言，在她的心頭轟然炸響：我一定要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造奇跡，成為萬人矚目的富姐，成為舉世聞名的強(qiáng)人！讓這種恥辱永遠(yuǎn)的埋藏地下！

從那時(shí)起，她開始利用一切機(jī)會(huì)充實(shí)自己。每天，她都是第一個(gè)來公司的，最后一個(gè)離開的。分秒必爭。她把失去的所有時(shí)間都浪費(fèi)在學(xué)習(xí)和工作上。

很快，她就脫穎而出了。在同一組用戶中，她是第一個(gè)成為商業(yè)代表的。然后她依靠超人的努力成為這家跨國公司在中國的總經(jīng)理！

她學(xué)歷并不高，只有自考?？莆膽{，在中國的經(jīng)理中被尊為“打工皇后”，后來，她又任微軟公司中國公司的總經(jīng)理。她，就是商界女杰吳士宏！

試想，如果當(dāng)初，吳士宏沒有改變命運(yùn)的決心，沒有成為富人的野心，或許，她一輩子都是那個(gè)貧窮而卑微的勤雜工！這是雄心，是堅(jiān)不可摧的雄心，是輝煌的！

你窮是因?yàn)槟銢]有鳥的野心！

你窮是因?yàn)槟銦o法克服你的懦弱！

你窮是因?yàn)槟闳狈τ職夂蜎Q心去做不可能的事！

有了野心，你才能克服一切自卑、逼出潛能！

有了野心，你才能堅(jiān)持不懈、不斷學(xué)習(xí)和改進(jìn)，以最快的速度完善自己！

有了雄心壯志，你就不怕一切困難。敢于創(chuàng)造別人不敢創(chuàng)造的奇跡，別人也不敢創(chuàng)造！

不管你的家庭多么貧窮，地位多么低下。不要否定自己。不要失去你的野心。

一身貧寒的李嘉誠，當(dāng)初比現(xiàn)在的你還窘迫，你又有什么理由繼續(xù)受窮，不成為富翁呢？

當(dāng)你的家人數(shù)落你沒出息的時(shí)候，沒有人會(huì)可憐你！

當(dāng)你的父母病了，沒有錢醫(yī)治他們時(shí)，沒有人會(huì)可憐你！

當(dāng)你被對(duì)手打敗時(shí)，沒有人會(huì)可憐你！

當(dāng)你心愛的伴侶拋棄你時(shí)，沒有人會(huì)可憐你！

當(dāng)你三四十歲還什么都沒有成就的時(shí)候，沒有人會(huì)可憐你！

世界萬物要么走向成長，要么走向滅亡！?。?！

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇8】

親愛的俄羅斯公民！

尊敬的各位來賓！

三軍將士們！

今天是偉大勝利的紀(jì)念日，是和平的節(jié)日，是正義與勝利的節(jié)日，是戰(zhàn)勝**的善良與自由的節(jié)日。我向你們表示祝賀。

已經(jīng)過去60年了。但每年5月9日，我們都會(huì)悼念那些死去的人，并回顧戰(zhàn)爭。那是一場呼喚我們的理性、呼喚我們崇高責(zé)任感的戰(zhàn)爭。

它使我們深深地意識(shí)到，當(dāng)時(shí)的世界處于怎樣的懸崖之邊緣，暴力和種族仇視、**和**會(huì)導(dǎo)致多么可怕的后果。

我們將永遠(yuǎn)銘記這些暴行給人類帶來的恐懼、羞辱和死亡。

我們將永遠(yuǎn)尊重當(dāng)時(shí)所有獻(xiàn)出生命的人，那些浴血奮戰(zhàn)的人，那些在后方無私工作的人。

我們將永遠(yuǎn)緬懷死者。作為得救者，我們向他們致以人類最崇高的謝意。

第二次世界大戰(zhàn)的火焰席卷了61個(gè)國家，影響了近80%的世界人口。這場肆虐的戰(zhàn)爭不僅席卷歐洲，還波及亞非國家，波及埃及和澳大利亞，并已波及大洋彼岸的新大陸和阿拉斯加。然而，決定這場非人道戰(zhàn)爭局勢及其最終結(jié)果的最殘酷和決定性的事件發(fā)生在蘇聯(lián)。

法西斯分子企圖用閃電戰(zhàn)奴役我們的人民。事實(shí)上，他們想毀滅我們的國家。 他們的圖謀破產(chǎn)了。

蘇聯(lián)軍隊(duì)首先阻止了納粹在莫斯科的進(jìn)攻。在接下來的三年里，蘇軍不僅頂住了敵人的壓力，而且最終把敵人趕回了老巢。

莫斯科和斯大林格勒戰(zhàn)役的勝利、重重圍困中的列寧格勒的英勇不屈、庫爾斯克弧形地帶和第聶伯河沿岸所取得的戰(zhàn)果決定了第二次世界大戰(zhàn)的最終結(jié)局。通過解放歐洲并發(fā)動(dòng)柏林戰(zhàn)役，蘇聯(lián)紅軍結(jié)束了戰(zhàn)爭。

親愛的朋友們！

我們從來沒有把勝利分為自己的勝利和別人的勝利。我們將永遠(yuǎn)牢記盟友的幫助，包括美國、英國、法國、反希特勒聯(lián)盟的其他國家，以及德國和意大利的反法西斯人士。

今天，我們在此向所有抵抗納粹的歐洲人致敬。

但是，我們也知道，蘇聯(lián)在戰(zhàn)爭年代損失了幾千萬公民。戰(zhàn)場上犧牲的士兵來自前蘇聯(lián)各民族。當(dāng)時(shí)蘇聯(lián)各族人民和各共和國人民遭受了不可挽回的損失。

傷痛降臨到每一座房屋、每一個(gè)家庭。因此，5月9日是獨(dú)立國家聯(lián)合體所有成員國的神圣日子。

我們對(duì)后代有同樣的不幸、同樣的記憶和同樣的責(zé)任。

我們應(yīng)當(dāng)將這種同史同源、同心同德和同愿同望之精神傳遞給后人。

我相信我們別無選擇，只能和睦相處，友好相待。 俄羅斯愿意與我們的近鄰和世界上所有國家建立友好關(guān)系，這種關(guān)系不應(yīng)僅僅依靠過往的教訓(xùn)來維系鞏固，而且應(yīng)面向我們共同的未來。

歷史告訴我們：各國和各民族都應(yīng)盡一切努力，不再忽略這樣一個(gè)問題：新的致命學(xué)說如何產(chǎn)生，新的威脅如何形成，由什么轉(zhuǎn)變而來。

戰(zhàn)爭的教訓(xùn)提醒我們，縱容暴力、冷漠和等待將導(dǎo)致可怕的世界悲劇。因此，面對(duì)當(dāng)前客觀存在的恐怖主義威脅，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)忠實(shí)于我們的父輩，應(yīng)當(dāng)捍衛(wèi)以安全與公正為基礎(chǔ)的，以既不允許“冷戰(zhàn)”也不允許“熱戰(zhàn)”重演的相互關(guān)系為基礎(chǔ)的國際秩序。

自全球?qū)箷r(shí)代結(jié)束以來，我們朝著確保歐洲和平與安寧的崇高目標(biāo)邁出了大步。

我們正在建立一個(gè)以自由和民主為基礎(chǔ)的政治框架，我們認(rèn)為每個(gè)國家都有權(quán)選擇自己的發(fā)展道路。我們的政策是建立在各族人民相互信任和共同追求文明的基礎(chǔ)上的。其中包括那些經(jīng)歷過對(duì)抗，然后成功找到對(duì)話與合作道路的人。

俄羅斯和德國之間的歷史性和解就是這一政策的成功例子。我認(rèn)為，這種和解是戰(zhàn)后歐洲最寶貴的成就之一。這種模式應(yīng)該在當(dāng)今的國際政治中得到推廣。 尊敬的俄羅斯公民！

尊敬的各位來賓！

對(duì)我國來說，無論是過去還是將來，5月9日永遠(yuǎn)是一個(gè)神圣的日子，永遠(yuǎn)是一個(gè)使我們大家受到鼓舞、得到升華的節(jié)日。

這一天，我們的內(nèi)心百感交集－－有高興也有哀傷，有悲憫也有崇敬。

這一天喚起我們最崇高的道德良知，使我們有機(jī)會(huì)再一次向那些施予我們生存、勞作、快樂、創(chuàng)造和相互理解之自由的人表達(dá)敬意。

在中國，勝利日是最深情、最真實(shí)的國慶節(jié)。對(duì)于前蘇聯(lián)各族人民來說，勝利日永遠(yuǎn)是人民取得偉大成就的日子。對(duì)歐洲和世界來說，勝利日總是拯救世界的日子。

我們的祖先為了國家的榮譽(yù)和自由獻(xiàn)出了生命。他們團(tuán)結(jié)起來保衛(wèi)祖國。

今天，我要向所有參加過偉大衛(wèi)國戰(zhàn)爭的老戰(zhàn)士們深深鞠躬，祝你們健康長壽。

勝利屬于老兵！ 光榮屬于俄羅斯！ 祝你們勝利日快樂！

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇9】

篇一：[名人演講]八段經(jīng)典英語演講節(jié)選

[名人演講]八段經(jīng)典英語演講節(jié)選 〔字體：大中小〕

一．man’s dearest possession is life. it is given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight for the liberation of mankind.

人生最寶貴的是生命。生命對(duì)於人來說只有一次。一個(gè)人的生命應(yīng)該這樣度過：

當(dāng)他回首往事時(shí)，不因虛度年華而悔恨；也不會(huì)因?yàn)槁德禑o為而羞恥。在臨死的時(shí)候他能夠說：我的整個(gè)生命和全部精力都已經(jīng)獻(xiàn)給了世界上最壯麗的事業(yè)――為人類的解放事業(yè)而鬥爭！

help：

possession: n.財(cái)產(chǎn)

torturing : adj. 使痛苦的

二．happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be f***otten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.幸福並不在於單純的佔(zhàn)有金錢，幸福還在於取得成功後的喜悅，在於創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。

我們決不能忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的快樂和鼓勵(lì)，瘋狂地追求轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些黯淡的日子能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的使命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是要為自己和同胞們服務(wù)的話，那麼，我們付出的代價(jià)是完全值得的。

help:

stimulation: n.激勵(lì)，刺激

evanescent: adj.漸漸消失的，易消散的

profit： vi.得益，利用

三．i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed-we hold theses truths to be self-oevident, that all men are created equal. i have a dream that one day on the red hills of ge***ia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave owners will be able to sit together at the table of brotherhood. i have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

i have a dream today! when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god’s children-black men and white men , jews and gentiles, catholics and protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “free at least ,free at last . thank god almighty, we are free at last.”

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇10】

i e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.

the recent statements of your executive mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time es when silence is betrayal." and that time has e for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.

moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.

perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.

king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.

"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

i e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.

nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.

it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.

so, i was increasingly pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.

and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest passion while maintaining my conviction that social change es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.

but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.

for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:

"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul bees totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.

it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a mission -- a mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.

could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?

can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?

and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i e tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a bined french and japanese occupation and before the munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.

even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.

with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.

even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.

the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.

they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.

they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.

they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?

is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.

we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only nonmunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.

could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?

what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?

surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.

and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.

is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.

in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.

when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.

perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.

before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.

i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.

i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

(unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.

it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.

we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful mitment.

we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i remend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.

* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has bee a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.

they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.

military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.

" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...

we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.

true passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.

" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against muni**. war is not the answer. muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.

let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative antimuni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.

we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of muni** grows and develops.*

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.

the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.

it is a sad fact that because of fort, placency, a morbid fear of muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now bee the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.

our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must bee ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now bee an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.

i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.

this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.

he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will bee the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.

as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).

we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.

procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.

we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.

omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.

we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.

shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?

or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

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this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for o***hing:

ann nixon cooper is 106 yearsold.這次選舉有許多優(yōu)勢，許多故事，會(huì)被告知幾代人。但我今晚想到的是一個(gè)在亞特蘭大投票給她的女人。

她就像其他數(shù)百萬人一樣，在這次選舉中挺身而出，發(fā)出自計(jì)的聲音，除了一件事：尼克松·庫珀已經(jīng)106歲了。

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.她出生的一代剛剛過去的奴役;當(dāng)時(shí)有沒有汽車在道路上或飛機(jī)在天空中;當(dāng)有人能像她一樣不參加表決的原因有兩個(gè)-因?yàn)樗且幻?，由于她的顏?*。

and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.今晚，我想所有的，她在整個(gè)看到她在美國的世紀(jì)-在心痛和希望;的斗爭和取得的;的時(shí)候，我們被告知，我們不能，和人民誰壓上與美國的信條：

是我們能夠做到。

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes di**issed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.當(dāng)時(shí)婦女的聲音被壓制和他們的希望被駁回，她活著看到他們站起來，說出并達(dá)成的選票。

是我們能夠做到。

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of mon purpose. yes we can.當(dāng)有絕望中的塵埃和抑郁一碗全國的土地，她看到一個(gè)民族征服恐懼本身的新政，新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，一個(gè)新的共同使命感。

是我們能夠做到。

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.當(dāng)炸彈落在我們的港口和***威脅世界，她在那里目睹了一代產(chǎn)生的偉大和***是保存。

是我們能夠做到。

she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overe." yes we can.她在那里的巴士蒙哥馬利，軟管在英國伯明翰，橋梁塞爾瑪和傳教士從亞特蘭大誰告訴人民，“我們克服。

”是我們能夠做到。

a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.一名男子降落在月球上，墻上下來在柏林，世界是連接我們自己的科學(xué)和想象力。

and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.今年，在這次選舉中，她談到她的手指到屏幕上，她和演員投票，因?yàn)?xx年后，在美國，通過最好的時(shí)候和最黑暗的時(shí)間，她知道怎樣可以改變美國。

yes we can.是我們能夠做到。

america, we have e so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do.

so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?美國，我們來到迄今。

我們已經(jīng)看到這么多。但有這么多事情要做。因此，今夜，讓我們反問一下我們自己，如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個(gè)世紀(jì)；如果我女兒有幸能和安·尼克松·庫珀一樣長壽，他們會(huì)看到什么變化？

那么我們會(huì)取得什么樣的進(jìn)展呢？

this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.這是我們來回答問題的機(jī)會(huì)，這是我們的時(shí)刻。

this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynici** and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.

這是我們的時(shí)代，要使我們的人民重新工作并將機(jī)會(huì)留給我們的子孫；重新恢復(fù)繁榮并促進(jìn)和平；回到我們的美國夢，并重申我們是其中之一的基本事實(shí)；當(dāng)我們呼吸，當(dāng)我們充滿希望的時(shí)候，我們遭遇冷嘲熱諷和質(zhì)疑，那些人認(rèn)為我們無法做到。我們將用一句話回應(yīng)：不，我們可以！

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇11】

怎么了兒子，還滿意嗎？咱們的家哦，挺好的嘛，行??！但是我們很快就搬了。 什么神經(jīng) 我們?nèi)绾伟徇M(jìn)來？

媽，四個(gè)字，如日中天，您兒子現(xiàn)在的事業(yè)可是如日中天，能不搬去一個(gè)更大的房子嗎？

萬萬沒想到，一年時(shí)間不到，我有一部電視劇播出，收視率很差，接著下一部更差，再下一部依然差，電影的票房一個(gè)字“爛”，唱片的銷售量地的不能再低。那一刻，我承認(rèn)我的職業(yè)生涯正式進(jìn)入寒冬，完全跌入谷底。我默默地跟自己說，如果有機(jī)會(huì)給我，再一次爬回去的話，我以后不要再做一個(gè)那么驕傲的藝人。

我想做一個(gè)腳踏實(shí)地、謙虛的人，最后機(jī)會(huì)又來了。我接到一通從tvb打來的**，他們問我有沒有興趣回去履行跟tvb最后一部戲的合約，可能大家沒有辦法想象，當(dāng)時(shí)我是多么地渴望工作，多么地渴望再一次站在鏡頭前面演戲，所以我就欣然接受了這份工作，拍了這個(gè)戲，而這個(gè)戲的名字叫《西游記》，我演的角色是孫悟空，戲播出收視率打破了香港電視界很多的紀(jì)錄。

我又到香港去了。接下來，我選擇離開我成長的母校。我希望出去試試我自己的力量。當(dāng)時(shí)我碰到一位香港的制作人，他找我拍一部戲，讓我開一個(gè)價(jià)錢，我就給了他一個(gè)很合理的**，然后他是這么跟我說的“多少錢？衛(wèi)健，你不要以為你演完孫悟空，在香港很紅，我告訴你，你在中國內(nèi)地的知名度是零，送你一句話吧！

記住，你臉上沒有頭發(fā)。你不值得！

聽了這句話，我覺的心里好像有把刀。我立即收拾行李，毅然離開香港，前往北京成為北漂。我跟自己說：

放下！放棄你以前在香港的所有成就。以前-你是手腕，現(xiàn)在-不；將來-我不知道。

如果你想再做一次手腕，現(xiàn)在你只有八個(gè)字要做，那就是努力工作！

皇天不負(fù)有心人，在第三個(gè)年頭，一個(gè)被譽(yù)為北京四十年來最熱的一個(gè)夏天，我拍了一部戲叫《少年英雄方世玉》。（記得嗎？)接下來等待我的不是最熱的夏天，而是40年來最冷的北京。我演了一個(gè)角韋小寶的角色。

（涼風(fēng)有信秋月無邊，虧我思嬌的情緒好比度日如年……記得嗎？）

接下來，我的職業(yè)生涯進(jìn)入了一個(gè)穩(wěn)定期。突然有一個(gè)晚上，我想起當(dāng)年那位制作人跟我說的那句話——“你的臉上沒毛呢，你是不值錢的！”

好吧，從現(xiàn)在開始，我不再粘人了。我不只不在粘毛，我就連頭頂剩下的那幾根，我都先把它剃光。我要證明給你看，我的臉上一根毛都沒有，我還是可以爬回去的;我就要證明給你看，我的臉上一根毛都沒有，還是可以有那么一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)價(jià)值的;我就要證明給全世界的人看，一個(gè)男人頭頂一根毛都沒有，都可以很有魅力的。

我相信我能做到。我能做到。你能做到的。所以在這個(gè)舞臺(tái)上，我很期待，期待著一幫年輕人，帶著你們的激情，憑著你們的勇氣口才與智慧，挽起你們的袖子——來，咱們大干一場，用說話改變你們的命運(yùn)吧！

謝謝大家！

樂嘉《我是演說家》導(dǎo)師演講稿：學(xué)會(huì)理解彼此的差異

學(xué)會(huì)理解彼此的差異

演講時(shí)間：2014年10月25日

——樂嘉在《我是演說家第一季》導(dǎo)師演講稿

大家好！今天跟大家分享一個(gè)主題，題目叫做《學(xué)會(huì)理解彼此的差異》。

我大概先了解一下，在這個(gè)房間里面，請(qǐng)問你覺得你自己是感性的人還是理性的人，你千萬不要告訴我，哎呀我有時(shí)候感性，有時(shí)候理性。認(rèn)為自己更敏感的人舉手，理性的人怎么辦？半對(duì)半，但是是否事實(shí)果真如此呢？

我希望你能在簡短的演講后做出明確的選擇。

你如何快速判斷自己是感性的還是理性的？還是能夠看出來不同的人和人之間的差異，其實(shí)從你家里面一家四口，在看電視的時(shí)候，你就可以發(fā)現(xiàn)。北京衛(wèi)視現(xiàn)在播了一個(gè)很牛的節(jié)目，叫《我是演說家》，然后一家四口四個(gè)人，坐在沙發(fā)上面在看電視，第一個(gè)人老媽看到一半的時(shí)候，突然發(fā)現(xiàn)那戶人家里面妻離子散、家破人亡， 然后就哭的鼻涕眼淚一起往下掉，死去活來泣不成聲。

這個(gè)時(shí)候女兒的反應(yīng)是這樣，她盡她最大的努力把情緒給控制在內(nèi)心深處，不讓它呈現(xiàn)出來，她跟媽媽的差別是老媽是把情緒全部釋放出去，而女兒是收在里面。老爸在看的時(shí)候，覺得這個(gè)電視做的還不錯(cuò)，突然他發(fā)現(xiàn)他老婆哭了，他說你有毛病?。∵@臺(tái)電視視假的。這時(shí)，我媽媽說：

“你這個(gè)死沒良心的，這么感動(dòng)的**你都不哭，你到底有沒有人性??？兒子你說說看，到底你爸講的有沒有道理？”。

兒子就說，我爸不是這個(gè)意思，這個(gè)時(shí)候老爸就說，你天天哭天天哭，一大把年紀(jì)了吧啦吧啦講了半天，于是這兩個(gè)人開始吵起來。這個(gè)時(shí)候兒子跳出來說，他說爸你少講兩句，媽隔壁房間還有個(gè)電視，我們不說我們到隔壁房間去看。

了，不管你是在寢室里邊和你的同學(xué)還是在你的家庭當(dāng)中，如果當(dāng)你在看電視看**看電影的時(shí)候，你很容易被情節(jié)所打動(dòng)，并且你的情緒有很自然的流露，跟你的性別沒關(guān)，跟你的年齡沒關(guān)，你的情感高度豐富。在四種性格當(dāng)中，你可能傾向于紅色性格，但是如果你是屬于那種內(nèi)心深處無比的細(xì)膩和豐富，但是你不愿意讓你的情緒讓他人察覺，你會(huì)死死地控制在內(nèi)心深處，可能這個(gè)是紅色性格完全相反的一種性格，我們把它稱為藍(lán)色性格；而第三種性格有一個(gè)很重要的特點(diǎn)，他們內(nèi)心無比堅(jiān)定，不容易受外界情緒的干擾和影響，當(dāng)他們覺得別人做的是不對(duì)的時(shí)候，他有強(qiáng)烈的批判欲和改造欲。而第四種類型的人，無論他看什么，情緒都非常平穩(wěn)，不以物喜不以己悲，但是他特別害怕人際關(guān)系的沖突。

在四種性格里面，我們把它稱為叫做綠色。你剛才看到的那位母親情緒激動(dòng)，典型的紅色；你看到的女孩是內(nèi)向的，典型的藍(lán)色；你看到的父親非常堅(jiān)定，有很強(qiáng)的批判性，典型的黃色；你看到的最后一個(gè)兒子，從頭到尾，沒有情緒波動(dòng)，一直保持平靜。我們稱之為綠色。

我為什么要告訴你紅、藍(lán)、黃、綠的分類？

因?yàn)椴还苣闶钦l？無論你來自**？現(xiàn)在賺多少錢？

學(xué)的是什么專業(yè)？你的工作是什么？你的家庭背景如何？你通通逃脫不了這4種性格在你的一生當(dāng)中，有可能對(duì)你產(chǎn)生的影響。

你馬上就來問我：“樂老師，你剛才告訴我的這些東西，到底有什么用？”那我現(xiàn)在告訴你有什么用。

魯豫《我是演說家》導(dǎo)師演講稿：表達(dá)的力量

表達(dá)的力量

演講時(shí)間：2014年10月4日

——魯豫《我是演說家第一季》導(dǎo)師演講稿

我知道你們可能還不太習(xí)慣我這樣子，我自己也不太習(xí)慣，我們慢慢慢慢適應(yīng)一下，導(dǎo)演說《我是演說家》一開始，你說說表達(dá)的力量吧！

我想先跟你們說一個(gè)我的秘密，我是主持人，主持人要說話，但其實(shí)我是一個(gè)特別內(nèi)向的人，我不太愿意說話，可是你不要弄錯(cuò)了，我不愿意說話，我不愿意表達(dá)， 并不是因?yàn)槲矣X得說話太簡單了，語言根本就沒有分量。恰恰相反，我知道語言有多難，語言多有力量，我覺得我們每個(gè)人，都經(jīng)歷過那樣的階段，當(dāng)你突然覺得你的人生瀕臨絕境的時(shí)候，有那么一句話，把你狠狠地推向深淵，但是，同樣我們會(huì)有那樣的經(jīng)歷，在我們落入深淵的那一刻，會(huì)有那么一句話幫助你，安然落地，而這就是語言的力量，語言像是一把鋒利無比的刀子，有的時(shí)候是殺人的**，但有的時(shí)候他是救人的工具，即便是這樣，我還是相信語言的力量，表達(dá)是有意義的。

有一個(gè)我的小朋友，曾經(jīng)問過我，他說，魯豫姐，有沒有這樣一句話，在你人生特別艱難的時(shí)候，能夠幫助你安然度過，我想了想好像是有的，我經(jīng)常去會(huì)對(duì)我自己，對(duì)別人說，我說我相信，我們這一生不管是誰，我們所承受的悲歡離合，喜怒哀樂的總量是相同的，這句話對(duì)我有催眠的作用，特別有意義。當(dāng)我很難的時(shí)候， 我就對(duì)自己說，其實(shí)沒什么，我這一輩子不會(huì)比任何人更倒霉，但是有時(shí)候那個(gè)不好的過程太長了，我會(huì)想天吶，什么時(shí)候才是那個(gè)底？我想知道是什么時(shí)候，泰伊什么時(shí)候回來。

但是在這個(gè)時(shí)候，我想相信，只要the頭，一個(gè)好時(shí)機(jī)就會(huì)到來。

所以我相信，語言是有意義的，表達(dá)是有力量的，語言是一把鋒利的刀子，可以扎出血來，很多時(shí)候你不經(jīng)意傷害我的話，會(huì)讓我害怕、恐懼，但是我們都不要害怕，都不要恐懼，都不要被別人的語言所綁架，所恐嚇。我們?nèi)匀灰獌A聽內(nèi)心的聲音，過我們想要的聲活。

表達(dá)是有意義的，表達(dá)是有力量的，表達(dá)你的愛，你的喜歡，溫暖我們愛的人，喜歡。要表達(dá)你的憤怒和討厭，要鞭撻那些丑惡的，讓善良的人不感到寒意，要表達(dá)我們所知道的，讓更多的人都知道，要表達(dá)我們所質(zhì)疑的，讓我們彼此更加坦誠，表達(dá)更需要智慧，你要運(yùn)用語言的力量，在適當(dāng)?shù)臅r(shí)候，運(yùn)用四兩撥斤的道理，去改變我們周遭的環(huán)境和社會(huì)，表達(dá)只屬于那些真誠的，有勇氣的，敢作敢當(dāng)?shù)娜恕?/p>

我希望我們能表達(dá)自己，在這個(gè)舞臺(tái)上說出你想說的話。讓我們說：敢說！敢做！敢自我！ 謝謝大家！

關(guān)于名人演講稿【篇12】

三一文庫（演講稿/勵(lì)志演講稿

名人演講稿(一)

--郭敬明訪談：著名作家和公司老板的多重身份

郭敬明，關(guān)注80后名人的朋友基本都知道，郭敬明1983年出生，但很多人只知道他是個(gè)作家，很少有人知道他的另一個(gè)身份：上海柯艾文化傳播****董事長

郭敬明作為受歡迎的偶像作家、公司老板等多重身份，憑借高薪入選福布斯中國財(cái)富名人榜。

外表看起來，他和同齡人沒什么區(qū)別，肥肥的牛仔褲、鮮艷的運(yùn)動(dòng)鞋、酷酷的墨鏡，喜歡看電影、去ktv唱歌，對(duì)一切新鮮好玩兒的事情都極有興趣。但是拋開這些表面，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他的思維和處事方式要比同齡人老道得多，他們的經(jīng)歷和壓力也不是一般同齡人可比。

郭敬明前段時(shí)間的抄襲風(fēng)波鬧得沸沸揚(yáng)揚(yáng)，面對(duì)眾多指責(zé)和負(fù)面評(píng)論，特別是最后法院判決敗訴，這個(gè)小小年紀(jì)的偶像作家表現(xiàn)出出奇的鎮(zhèn)定。從官司發(fā)生到現(xiàn)在兩年多的時(shí)間里，他出版了《島》書系，發(fā)行了第一張**《迷藏》，運(yùn)作自己的新公司，最近公司策劃的《最**》又正式上市……看上去什么都沒耽誤。

“其實(shí)遇到這件事情之前我已經(jīng)經(jīng)歷過很多事情，能更成熟更冷靜地對(duì)待了。最開始從一個(gè)默默無聞的學(xué)生成為一個(gè)公眾人物的時(shí)候，當(dāng)我發(fā)現(xiàn)自己說的很多話會(huì)遭到誤解和歪曲，心態(tài)確實(shí)很難調(diào)整，聽到負(fù)面的評(píng)價(jià)就會(huì)覺得特別難過，壓力也非常大?，F(xiàn)在已經(jīng)看得比較淡，覺得做好自己的事情就行了。

我寫作的靈感通常來自于我生活中發(fā)生的事情，或是和朋友們聊聊他們的故事。此外，還有自己的**和其他作家的作品?！敝劣谑遣皇浅u，他說隨著時(shí)間的推移人們會(huì)自有公論。

郭敬明很欣賞一句話“無論正面還是負(fù)面的評(píng)論，都塑造了今天的我”，“其實(shí)回過頭來看，如果沒有那些負(fù)面的評(píng)價(jià)可能也不會(huì)成就今天的我，痛苦同時(shí)也是一種財(cái)富，都是成長的經(jīng)歷，不會(huì)有抵觸情緒。我們從更多的經(jīng)驗(yàn)中知道，讀者不會(huì)完全受到個(gè)別負(fù)面評(píng)論的影響。”